Years ago, I was part of a conversation with President Barack Obama in which he was asked why he hadn’t taken a particular political stance that would have rallied the Democratic base and conveyed a clear message. He explained that he was the president for all Americans—including those who hadn’t voted for him—and he felt obligated to pursue policies that benefitted the greatest number of citizens, even if that meant sacrificing political points. (In this case, he was willing to allow Bush-era tax cuts for the rich to continue in order to preserve and expand tax breaks for middle and low-income taxpayers.) He noted that lots of folks who were not his fans would gain from his decision and that he worked for them, too. He seemed to mean it.

Of course, that’s not how Donald Trump viewed the presidency. He saw it as a weapon to use on behalf of his tribe against a competing tribe. Zero-sum politics at its most brutal. Trump aside, there is a bigger issue here than that little man’s pathologies. Republicans and conservatives have long moaned that blue-state libs are elitists who look down on rural areas and those Americans who hold what the cons call traditional values. This goes back decades, with Richard Nixon and Spiro Agnew in the 1960s decrying “radical liberals” and other Republicans ever since denigrating “limousine liberals,” and so on.

Yet the libs (or Democrats, if you will) have always tended to give more of a damn for the economic needs of red-staters than many of the elected GOP representatives of these areas. And the political conflict of the moment has demonstrated that yet again. The $1 trillion infrastructure bill just passed by President Joe Biden and the Democrats—and opposed by Trump and most of the GOP—addresses profound needs across the nation and disperses the money in such a manner that some red states will gain more than blue states. Here’s a map drawn up in August showing the legislation’s allocation per state resident. (The final details might have changed.)

Plenty of so-called Middle America states do better than blue California and Washington. Alaska, Montana, Wyoming, and the Dakotas score higher than the Northeast. Remember Trump threatening not to send respirators to blue states unless they were nice to him? Can you imagine if he had been shown such a map about one of his programs, not that he had any such programs?

In the face of GOP obstructionism, Biden and the Democrats worked hard to enact legislation that will bring benefits to Americans across the country. In Texas, though, not one of the state’s 23 Republican representatives and two GOP senators voted for this bill, which provides $35.4 billion over five years for ports, roads, bridges, broadband access, and other projects in the state. And in the fight over the pending social infrastructure and climate change legislation—the Build Back Better package—it has been progressive lawmakers, mostly from blue states, who have been pushing for Medicare expansion in the 12 states that have not moved in that direction: Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Kansas, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. That’s a very reddish list. Here are blue-state politicians attempting to assist fellow Americans whose own red-state governments won’t help them.

Blue-state residents and elected officials constantly support measures that help—perhaps disproportionately—red-state citizens. Look at the list of states that pay more in personal and business taxes to the federal government than they receive in federal spending: New York, New Jersey, California, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Minnesota, Colorado, and Utah. Only one is red, and Utah barely makes that list. The state that has the largest deficit in this regard per capita—the biggest taker, not giver—is Kentucky. For a gang that supposedly despises Middle America—according to just about every fundraising email I get from Trump—the Democrats sure do a lousy job of implementing that enmity.

But there’s more. The right-wing indictment of progressives often zeroes in on Hollywood, where supposedly the libs in charge fiendishly produce content that mocks and undermines the good folks of the heartland. In the past year, several high-quality series and films have been set in what can be called Trump Country—the coal-mining environs of Appalachia and the oil fields of Oklahoma—and have depicted with respect and compassion the people of these areas and their challenges (opioid addiction, a crappy economy, failing social infrastructure). This list includes Hulu’s Dopesick, HBO’s Mare of Easttown, Showtime’s American Rust, and the Matt Damon feature film Stillwater. The characters in each of these are well drawn, and there’s no condescension applied. One of the heroes of Dopesick is an assistant US attorney who wears his Christianity on his sleeve. It’s a good guess that the creators of these projects are mostly of a liberal bent. (Trump critic Ron Howard made the film version of J.D. Vance’s Hillbilly Elegy.) When was the last time a Hollywood conservative produced a film or show that focused on the plight of inner-city Americans?

Trump and his cult have obsessively and cynically peddled a fear-driven and divisive narrative to red America: The libs want to control you and destroy you and the nation you love. Trump's crew doesn't bother explaining how pushing for a higher minimum wage, paid family leave, universal pre-K, free community college, elder care assistance, sounder infrastructure, greater broadband access, and expanded Medicare benefits that cover dental, vision, and hearing needs fits into this scare-scenario. Instead, the Rs focus on what they can pitch as cultural conflicts: mask and vaccine mandates, Confederate statues, critical race theory, transgender bathrooms, Dr. Seuss, and now Toni Morrison. The point is to distract from a key dynamic of American politics: Democrats are trying to help people in all corners of the country; Republicans are protecting their own. (Race, of course, is a major component of this.)

Each camp takes its position seriously. When Obama said that he felt the burden of serving all Americans, he came across as genuine. Biden certainly believes—or hopes—he can bring together a divided nation and work to improve life for people in blue and red states. And, without a doubt, Trump has little interest in helping anyone who is not a loyal member of his cult. He’s not considering a 2024 run for the White House to gain another chance to enact health care legislation for all. He’s waging political warfare for the sake of political warfare—that is, to obtain power to serve his own ends.

The clash between blue and red America is asymmetrical combat. One side is fighting for policies to help a wide swath of the nation; the other is demonizing its opponents and battling for its own tribe. This obviously poses a messaging challenge for the Democrats: how to convince a portion of red or purplish voters that the Dems truly are on their side, too. This is one of the crucial to-do’s for Biden and the Ds, if they are to buck the tide of history and retain control of Congress after the 2022 midterm elections—and block the return of Trump. They must convince a small slice of red America that they do give a damn about them.

Have a comment on this item? A tip or lead? Anything else on your mind? Write me at thisland@motherjones.com.

Dumbass Comment of the Week

If we handed out an award for the most outrageous (and racist) remark of the week, the judges would be finished with the task in a minute. The obvious choice: Kevin Gough, a defense attorney for one of the men accused of murdering Ahmaud Arbery, the 25-year-old Black man who was chased by three armed white men and slain in southern Georgia last year. On Thursday, Gough told the judge presiding over the ongoing trial that the courtroom presence of the Reverend Al Sharpton, who was sitting with the victim’s family, could be "intimidating" to the jury. Huh? Did Gough think he was in some version of The Godfather Part II, with Sharpton a mob boss?

Worse, Gough said the quiet part aloud: “We don’t want any more Black pastors in here.” As if a white pastor would be fine.

Was it dumb for Gough to say this? Definitely. But he seemed more inspired by racism than outright stupidity. So he receives a dishonorable mention, and we move on to our winner: Rep. Nicole Malliotakis (R-N.Y.). She was one of the 13 House Republicans who voted for the $1 trillion bipartisan infrastructure bill a week ago. Since then, these Rs have been pilloried for daring to side with Democrats on a measure that will benefit their own communities. They have received death threats, and their fellow Republicans have called for them to be stripped of their committee assignments for crossing a party line. Malliotakis, who represents Staten Island, thought she could protect herself by sucking up to Trump. Appearing on CNN on Monday morning, she tried to give the former guy some of the credit for the infrastructure measure. Here’s what she said: "President Trump laid the groundwork for this infrastructure to pass...I'm happy and I'm appreciative to President Trump for being one of the first to really talk about the need for infrastructure.”

Now, that’s dizzying spin. How many “infrastructure weeks” did Trump proclaim without once cooking up proposed legislation? He did nothing to make an infrastructure bill real—though he did once sit in a truck. Alas, for the besieged Staten Islander, her tactic didn’t work. At a fundraising dinner for the National Republican Congressional Committee that very night in Tampa, Trump excoriated the House Republicans who backed the bipartisan legislation: “No thank you goes to the Republicans who voted for the bill.” Malliotakis happened to be in the crowd, and according to the New York Post, she “appeared visibly shaken.” Maybe she realized how dumb she had been.

Have a suggestion for Dumbass Comment of the Week? Send nominations to thisland@motherjones.com.

How to Read Previous Issues of This Land

Some readers have been asking how they can obtain past issues of This Land. I’m flattered. At some point, there will be a page hosting back issues. But until then, if you’re a subscriber and want a full list of previous issues and links to them, email us at thisland@motherjones.com, and we’ll send that along.

The Mailbag

Dene Karaus wrote about the recent item on Michael Caputo and the “burn in hell” text this former Trump aide recently sent me:

You are a very generous man, because I don't think I could have said the relatively nice things about him that you did. He's certainly a lost sheep now, and clearly not reformed, but with all the poison Trump believers have coursing through their arteries and veins he may have lost a small percentage of it, and now feel free in a "relative" sense.

I bear Caputo no ill will, though I do blame him and other Trump lieutenants for helping Vladimir Putin succeed in his attack on the United States and for the inept pandemic response that led to the preventable deaths of 400,000 Americans, maybe more. Someone, though, once told me that when confronted by asinine behavior, the best response is being nice. “That drives people crazy,” she said.

Michael Murphy emailed:

Why don’t we hear that a leading, Never-Trumper REPUBLICAN originated that [Steele] Dossier. Then when DT got the nomination, Rs sold it to Dems? Which I hear/Dems never used...it’s critical to know Rs originated it, against DT!

This is a common misperception on the left. In our book, Russian Roulette, Michael Isikoff and I detailed what happened. During the 2016 primary season, Fusion GPS, a corporate intelligence firm, was retained by the Washington Free Beacon, a conservative website funded by billionaire hedge-funder Paul Singer. The website and Singer were then part of the right-wing Never Trump movement and were seeking derogatory information that could stop Trump from winning the Republican nomination. When it became clear Trump was going to be the GOP nominee, they ended their deal with Fusion GPS. At that point, Glenn Simpson, one of the firm’s owners, convinced Marc Elias, a lawyer for the Democratic National Committee and the Hillary Clinton campaign, to pay (through his law firm) for the continuation of this anti-Trump research. It was two months later, in June 2016, that Simpson met with Christopher Steele at an Italian restaurant in Heathrow Airport and recruited the former British intelligence officer to research Trump’s business activities in Russia.

Rusty Curling responded to my take on the Virginia election results:

Great analysis of my home state of Virginia. Seems anger is misdirected from many folks. Whenever Dems try to put the anger where it belongs—the oligarchy that keeps the economic hopes of many of these folks from having any chance of being fulfilled—they are stymied by other Dems who have received way too much in campaign contributions from that same oligarchy to join in that fight.

For decades, I and many others have been saying that we cannot fully address economic inequality in this country without comprehensive campaign finance reform. And the increasing concentration of wealth at the top of the ladder has made it harder to achieve campaign finance reform. This is a golden Gordian knot. It’s going to take a mighty big sword to cut it.

Kate Greenberg responded to my reference in that Virginia article to the so-called “mama bears,” the conservative women who campaigned fiercely for Republican Glenn Youngkin in Virginia:

I don’t think those moms are as grassroots as you think they are. See here. Here. And here - the comments have some meat!

Good point, Kate. The links she sent along do show a familiar pattern: well-funded right-wing groups underwriting (if not creating) so-called grassroots activists. Americans for Prosperity, the Koch network, and other conservative powerhouses are quite skilled at doing this. A good example was the tea party. As the fight against school boards and local public health measures continues, expect to see behind-the-scenes right-wing outfits exploit these battles to aid their larger agendas.

Sally Elder emailed:

I like your newsletter but do find it a little too wordy for me. I guess I am a hit-and-run reader. Your subject matter is always good, and I enjoy your commentary on MSNBC. I am still thinking about signing up for it.

C’mon, Sally. We need you.

Claude Scales writes:

Who's this at the window? It's a white poodle—Mini not Standard—named Moxie. She belongs to neighbors and is quite the grand dame at thirteen, still going strong.

Our Moxie will be 10 years old next month. She is still quite active, and, we just learned, rather healthy. Speaking of which...

Have anything to say about This Land or anything else? Write me at thisland@motherjones.com.

MoxieCam™

“Why am I here?” Moxie asked. She was shaking.

“We felt a bump inside you. We were worried.”

“I don’t like this place. Are they going to cut my hair? All those other dogs look worried. Are they going to cut my hair?”

“The vet says it’s just a routine protrusion at the end of your rib. All’s good.”

“Are they going to cut my hair? Can we leave?”

Read Previous Issues of This Land

November 9, 2021: Why an ex-Trump aide just told me to “burn in hell”; Matt Damon’s compassionate portrayal of a screw-up from Trump Country; behind the scenes at the Beatles’ Let It Be sessions; and more.

November 6, 2021: The Democrats’ anger problem; Dumbass Comment of the Week; the Mailbag; MoxieCam™; and more.

November 2, 2021: Whatever happened to Christian Nationalism and the January 6 attack?; thoughts and prayers for COP26; Rock ’n’ Roll Flashback: Bob Dylan, Jesus, and me; and more.

October 30, 2021: Is it time to use the F-word for Fox?; how politics really works; Dumbass Comment of the Week; the Mailbag; MoxieCam™; and more

October 26, 2021: How ABC News just helped Donald Trump; the GOP’s big con in Virginia; Dumbass Comment of the Week (Special Edition); new music from Nathaniel Rateliff and the Night Sweats and from The War on Drugs; and more.

October 23, 2021: Joe Manchin, “bullshit,” and me; Dumbass Comment of the Week; the Mailbag; MoxieCam™; and more.

October 19, 2021: Who’s the most dangerous House Republican and why you might not know his name; why Squid Game hooks us; a new book on the history of xenophobia; Rock ’n’ Roll Flashback: a young and angry Elvis; and more.

October 16, 2021: Crunch time for Merrick Garland; Bannon, QAnon, and the Virginia governor race; Dumbass Comment of the Week; the Mailbag; MoxieCam™; and more.

October 12, 2021: How Donald Trump betrayed Trump country; one of the best books about survival and isolation ever; the disappointments of The Many Saints of Newark; and more.

October 9, 2021: Can Trump and the GOP be stopped from shoving 1/6 into a memory hole?; how you can join a This Land online salon; the world premiere of Jill Sobule’s new song, “You Better Not F*ck in Texas”; the Mailbag; MoxieCam™; and more.

October 5, 2021: The Democracy Crisis: Could this be Joe Biden’s big mistake?; kicking Pat Robertson on the way out; Skyfall vs. Casino Royale; a Velvet Underground tribute; and more.

October 2, 2021: How we almost got that big Lewandowski scoop; Dumbass Comment of the Week; MoxieCam™; and more.

September 29, 2021: Note to Greta Van Susteren: The road to hell is paved with both-siderism; the value of Netflix’s Worth; a crazy CIA story; and more.

September 25, 2021: What do Common, Leonard Bernstein, and Dwight Eisenhower have in common?; Dumbass Comment of the Week; the Mailbag; MoxieCam™; and more.

September 21, 2021: The Trump-Russia scandal denialists are taking another desperate stab at gaslighting you; Netflix’s The Chair nails the assignment; and more.

September 18, 2021: Hey Marco Rubio and Glenn Greenwald, this is the real problem with Milley, Trump, and nuclear weapons; Dumbass Comment of the Week (did Barack Obama really kill rock ’n’ roll with racial politics?); the Mailbag; MoxieCam™ (a new toy!); and more.

September 14, 2021: Will the new Bill-and-Monica television series spur a reappraisal of the Clinton scandal?; a stunning new Holocaust movie you can’t see—yet; one of the best articles ever about a family and its dog; and more.

September 11, 2021: How Trump’s conspiracy theories are killing people in West Virginia and elsewhere; more 9/11 reflections; Dumbass Comment of the Week (Special Confederacy Edition); a look at HBO’s very odd White Lotus; MoxieCam™; and more.

September 8, 2021: 9/11 plus 20: a remembrance and a thank-you; the chilling climate crisis warning in HBO’s Reminiscence; and more.

September 3, 2021: Texas shows how Trumpism has become fascistic vigilantism; Dumbass Comment of the Week; Rock ’n’ Roll Flashback (how I was popped by Iggy Pop); MoxieCam™; and more.